The interpretation of the 1951 convention for the protection of refugees by Greece and Turkey after the Syrian refugee crisis

Abstract

At this time, approximately 70.8 million people have been forced from their homes around the world, and one person is forcibly displaced every two seconds as a result of conflict or persecution. In a context of rampant – and global – xenophobia, internal and international displacement remains an important issue.The Mediterranean has become the world’s most deadly crossing point for migrants. In 2015, there were 856,732 recorded arrivals in Greece as well as an estimated total of more than 6,600 missing persons or deaths in the Central and Eastern Mediterranean routes in 2015 and the first half of 2016. The aim of this research is to assess how Greece has responded to this influx, and identify lessons for addressing large scale refugee movements at a European and global level.Based on research and fieldwork in Greece, mainly in Athens and Lesvos and Turkey, this thesis focuses on the critical period 2015 until nowadays with main emphasis to the critical period of October 2015-May 2016, which saw high flows of asylum seekers into Greece and predates the EU-Turkey deal signed in March 2016 until nowadays. The research focuses on the ways in which the Greek and Turkish government as well as the EU struggled to address the “crisis” during that period, outlining the challenges of implementing sustainable solutions and efficient policies given the obstacles at national and European level. In particular, it focuses on the island of Lesvos, the main entry point of refugees from Turkey to Greece, and the island’s reception capacity. The findings highlight the need for a more effective common asylum system in the EU that includes adequate support and assistance to frontline states and makes suggestions for preventing future crises in situations of large-scale arrivals from third countries to the EU border countries. Relations between Greece and Turkey have long been contentious, despite sharing a common history and situation as a border country in the Mediterranean region. Moreover, both have been asked to find solutions to the refugee crisis since 2015. My research focuses on the extent to which each state takes responsibility and fulfills their obligations under the 1951 Geneva Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, commonly called the Refugee Convention. The innovation of the research is that the author attempts to examine Greek-Turkey relations under the prism of the Refugee Convention after the Syrian influx, through a comparative study based on field work via interviews with refugees, refugee communities, local communities, policy makers and activists from field visits in Greece and Turkey (during the period 2015 until nowadays). The thesis examines the refugee protection mechanisms in the two countries and how protection norms were implemented by both Greece and Turkey in terms of effectiveness and efficiency for refugees, reception conditions and integration processes. Additionally, the role of EU and UN mechanisms and how they influenced Greek-Turkey relations at a bilateral level are further examined. My main argument is that the EU policies implemented in Greece and Turkey (including containment, externalization, dehumanisation (process of offshoring or extra territorialisation) and shifting responsibility for refugees to a “safe” third country led to violations of refugee rights with the implementation of the infamous EU-Turkey deal/statement, criminalisation and massive deportations based on the logic of exchanging money for refugee containment resulting to state responsibility and accountability. The usual problem with off shoring is that applicants are subjected to a much-restricted process in terms of due process and protection . Those fleeing armed conflict and other human rights violations will not simply stop coming just because politicians try to outdo themselves with empty rhetoric while failing to full international obligations they would prefer to impose on other, less well-off states. Humanitarian issues thereby became part of accession negotiations for Turkey and developed into a highly politicized issue that the author criticizes. The author further argues that the political decision of the EU-Turkey deal signature does not fulfil European and international legal standards of refugee rights. Finally, a strong and sincere cooperation between Greece and Turkey, based on human rights and refugee protection norms, would benefit both the region and refugees.The author concludes that both Greece and Turkey accepted the restrictive policy instruments and policies for various reasons each. Displacement and policy responses to this phenomenon is not about nationality of refugees and politicization of the refugee issue but how states and the international community are handling issues of displacement, migration and mobility, with recommendations for EU, Greek and Turkish policy makers.

Οι σχέσεις Ελλάδας-Τουρκίας δεν ήταν ποτέ εύκολες, η Ελλάδα και η Τουρκία ως γείτονες χώρες στην περιοχή της Ανατολικής Μεσογείου μοιράζονται κοινή ιστορία και παρελθόν. Και οι δύο χώρες βρέθηκαν αντιμέτωπες με την προσφυγική κρίση από το 2015 και έπειτα μέχρι σήμερα και έπρεπε να βρουν λύσεις, λαμβάνοντας ευθύνη και εκπληρώνοντας τις υποχρεώσεις τους με βάση την Σύμβαση της Γενεύης του 1951 σχετικά με το καθεστώς των προσφύγων. Η καινοτομία της έρευνας είναι ότι επιδιώκεται να εξεταστούν οι ελληνοτουρκικές σχέσεις μέσα από το πρίσμα της ανταπόκρισης των δύο χωρών στο προσφυγικό ρεύμα των Σύρων και πώς ερμηνεύτηκε η Σύμβαση για το καθεστώς των προσφύγων, η μεθοδολογία της έρευνας είναι συγκριτική μελέτη βάσει των δεδομένων από την έρευνα πεδίου που πραγματοποιήθηκε τα τελευταία πέντε χρόνια με πρόσφυγες, κοινότητες, διαμορφωτές κοινής γνώμης και ακτιβιστές στην Ελλάδα και Τουρκία αντίστοιχα. H έρευνα εξετάζει ποιοι ήταν οι μηχανισμοί προσφυγικής προστασίας που υιοθετήθηκαν καθώς και πώς εφαρμόστηκαν οι κανόνες διεθνούς προστασίας στις δύο χώρες, εάν ήταν αποδοτικοί προς την κατεύθυνση και προώθηση των δικαιωμάτων των προσφύγων, ποιες ήταν οι συνθήκες υποδοχής και η διαδικασία ενσωμάτωσης, ποιος ήταν ο ρόλος της ΕΕ και των Ηνωμένων Εθνών, με ποιο τρόπο επηρεάστηκαν οι διμερείς σχέσεις. Συνολικά, 70.8 εκατομμύρια έχουν εγκαταλείψει τις εστίες τους σε όλο τον κόσμο και 1 άτομο εγκαταλείπει την εστία του κάθε δύο δευτερόλεπτα ως αποτέλεσμα σύρραξης ή δίωξης. Το βασικό μου επιχείρημα είναι ότι η πολιτική της ΕΕ που εφαρμόστηκε στην περίπτωση της Ελλάδος και της Τουρκίας (συμπεριλαμβανόμενης της πολιτικής του εγκλωβισμού στα ελληνικά νησιά, τη μετατόπιση ευθύνης στην επονομαζόμενη “ασφαλή” τρίτη χώρα Τουρκίας και τον άνισο και άδικο καταμερισμό ευθυνών οδήγησε σε συνεχείς παραβιάσεις των δικαιωμάτων των προσφύγων με την εφαρμογή της ευρωτουρκικής συμφωνίας και τις μαζικές απελάσεις βασιζόμενη στην λογική «σας χρηματοδοτούμε για να τους κρατήσετε στα σύνορά σας», με αυτόν τον τρόπο ένα ανθρωπιστικό ζήτημα μετατρέπεται σε πολιτικό ζήτημα μέγιστης σημασίας και ως προς αυτό ασκείται κριτική από τη γράφουσα. Η παρούσα διατριβή υποστηρίζει ότι η συγκεκριμένη πολιτική αντιβαίνει στις βασικές αρχές της Σύμβασης της Γενεύης για την Προστασία των Προσφύγων, 1951 και το συμπέρασμα αυτό επιβεβαιώνεται από τη νομολογία διεθνών, ευρωπαϊκών και εθνικών δικαιοδοτικών οργάνων στις προς εξέταση χώρες αυτή είναι η κεντρική θεματική που εξετάζεται στην παρούσα διατριβή. To επιχείρημά μου είναι ότι αυτή η πολιτική απόφαση και οι εγκληματικές πολιτικές που εφαρμόζονται δεν εκπληρώνουν τα ευρωπαϊκά και διεθνή πρότυπα αναφορικά με τα δικαιώματα των προσφύγων και μεταναστών και καταλήγουμε ότι μια δυνατή και ειλικρινής συνεργασία βασισμένη στα δικαιώματα του ανθρώπου και τις αρχές της προστασίας των δικαιωμάτων από την ελληνικά και τουρκική πλευρά θα συνέβαλε στην ευμάρεια, πρόοδο και σταθερότητα της περιοχής και θα προωθούσε τα δικαιώματα των προσφύγων μέσω της ομαλής ενσωμάτωσής τους στις τοπικές κοινωνίες.

Şu anda, dünya çapında yaklaşık 70,8 milyon insan evlerinden zorlandı ve her iki saniyede bir kişi, çatışma veya zulüm nedeniyle zorla yerinden ediliyor. Yaygın - ve küresel - yabancı düşmanlığı bağlamında, ülke içinde ve uluslararası yerinden edilme önemli bir sorun olmaya devam ediyor. Akdeniz, göçmenler için dünyanın en ölümcül geçiş noktası haline geldi. 2015 yılında Yunanistan'a 856.732 kayıtlı giriş ve 2015 ile 2016'nın ilk yarısında Orta ve Doğu Akdeniz yollarında tahmini toplam 6.600'den fazla kayıp veya ölüm vakası olmuştur. Bu araştırmanın amacı, Yunanistan'ın nasıl olduğunu değerlendirmektir. bu akına yanıt verdi ve büyük ölçekli mülteci hareketlerini Avrupa ve küresel düzeyde ele almak için dersler belirledi. Yunanistan'da, özellikle Atina ve Midilli ve Türkiye'de yapılan araştırma ve saha çalışmasına dayanan bu tez, Yunanistan'a yüksek sığınmacı akışının görüldüğü Ekim 2015-Mayıs 2016 kritik dönemine ana vurgu yaparak 2015'ten günümüze kadar olan kritik döneme odaklanmaktadır. Mart 2016'da imzalanan AB-Türkiye anlaşmasından bugüne kadar. Araştırma, ulusal ve Avrupa düzeyindeki engeller göz önüne alındığında, sürdürülebilir çözümlerin ve verimli politikaların uygulanmasındaki zorlukların ana hatlarını çizerek, Yunan ve Türk hükümetlerinin yanı sıra AB'nin o dönemde “krizi” ele almak için nasıl mücadele ettiğine odaklanıyor. Özellikle, Türkiye'den Yunanistan'a mültecilerin ana giriş noktası olan Midilli adasına ve adanın kabul kapasitesine odaklanılmaktadır. Bulgular, cephedeki devletlere yeterli desteği ve yardımı içeren ve üçüncü ülkelerden AB sınır ülkelerine büyük ölçekli varışlar durumunda gelecekteki krizleri önlemek için önerilerde bulunan AB'de daha etkili bir ortak sığınma sistemine duyulan ihtiyacı vurgulamaktadır. Akdeniz bölgesinde bir sınır ülkesi olarak ortak bir tarihi ve durumu paylaşmasına rağmen, Yunanistan ile Türkiye arasındaki ilişkiler uzun süredir çekişmeli. Ayrıca her iki ülkeden de 2015'ten beri mülteci krizine çözüm bulmaları isteniyor. Araştırmam, her bir devletin Mültecilerin Statüsüne İlişkin 1951 tarihli Cenevre Sözleşmesi (Mülteci Sözleşmesi) kapsamında ne ölçüde sorumluluk aldığına ve yükümlülüklerini yerine getirdiğine odaklanıyor. Araştırmanın yeniliği, yazarın Suriye akınından sonra Yunanistan-Türkiye ilişkilerini Mülteci Sözleşmesi prizması altında, mülteciler, mülteci toplulukları, yerel topluluklar, politika yapıcılar ve sivil toplum kuruluşlarıyla yapılan görüşmeler aracılığıyla saha çalışmasına dayalı karşılaştırmalı bir çalışma aracılığıyla incelemeye çalışmasıdır. Yunanistan ve Türkiye'deki saha ziyaretlerinden aktivistler (2015'ten günümüze). Tez, iki ülkedeki mülteci koruma mekanizmalarını ve mülteciler için etkinlik ve verimlilik, kabul koşulları ve entegrasyon süreçleri açısından hem Yunanistan hem de Türkiye tarafından koruma normlarının nasıl uygulandığını incelemektedir. Ayrıca, AB ve BM mekanizmalarının rolü ve ikili düzeyde Yunanistan-Türkiye ilişkilerini nasıl etkiledikleri ayrıca incelenmektedir. Temel argümanım, Yunanistan ve Türkiye'de uygulanan AB politikalarının (çevreleme, dışsallaştırma, insanlıktan çıkarma (offshoring veya ekstra bölgeselleştirme süreci) dahil) ve mültecilerin sorumluluğunu “güvenli” bir üçüncü ülkeye kaydırmanın, aşağıdakilerin uygulanmasıyla mülteci haklarının ihlal edilmesine yol açtığıdır: Mültecilerin kontrol altına alınması için para takası mantığına dayanan ve devletin sorumluluğuna ve hesap verebilirliğine yol açan kötü şöhretli AB-Türkiye anlaşması/bildirisi, kriminalize etme ve kitlesel sürgünler. Offshore ile ilgili olağan sorun, başvuranların yasal süreç ve koruma açısından çok kısıtlı bir sürece tabi tutulmasıdır. Silahlı çatışmalardan ve diğer insan hakları ihlallerinden kaçanlar, sırf politikacılar daha az varlıklı devletlere dayatmayı tercih edecekleri uluslararası yükümlülükleri tam olarak yerine getirmezken boş retoriklerle kendilerini aşmaya çalıştıkları için gelmeyi bırakmayacaklar. Böylelikle insani meseleler, Türkiye'nin katılım müzakerelerinin bir parçası haline geldi ve yazarın eleştirdiği son derece politize bir konu haline geldi. Yazar ayrıca, AB-Türkiye anlaşmasının imzalanmasına ilişkin siyasi kararın, mülteci haklarına ilişkin Avrupa ve uluslararası yasal standartları karşılamadığını ileri sürüyor. Son olarak, Yunanistan ile Türkiye arasında insan hakları ve mülteci koruma normlarına dayalı güçlü ve samimi bir işbirliği hem bölgenin hem de mültecilerin yararına olacaktır. Yazar, hem Yunanistan'ın hem de Türkiye'nin kısıtlayıcı politika araçlarını ve politikaları çeşitli nedenlerle kabul ettiği sonucuna varmaktadır. Yerinden edilme ve bu fenomene yönelik politika tepkileri, mültecilerin uyruğu ve mülteci sorununun siyasileştirilmesiyle ilgili değil, devletlerin ve uluslararası toplumun yerinden etme, göç ve hareketlilik konularını AB, Yunan ve Türk politika yapıcılara yönelik tavsiyelerle nasıl ele aldığı ile ilgilidir.